Unfinished Business: From Chattel Slavery to Reparatory Justice in The Bahamas
September 2, 2024
By: Liam Miller
Introduction
The Commonwealth of The Bahamas observes Emancipation Day on August 5th, an annual holiday observed every first Monday of August. Observed by most former British colonies and territories in the Commonwealth Caribbean, Emancipation Day commemorates the anniversary of the Slavery Abolition Act of 1833. In the Bahamas, Emancipation Day festivities range from family gatherings to Junkanoo (particularly in the Fox Hill constituency) and regatta sailing. With these activities, Emancipation Day is filled with joy and relaxation for all Bahamians to relish.
Amidst the joyful Emancipation Day weekend festivities, it can be easy to forget the harmful legacy of chattel slavery that continues to linger throughout The Bahamas. Chattel slavery continues to have a significant impact on the physical, economic, and spiritual well-being of global Africans. Like all seemingly “age-old” historical events, chattel slavery exists beyond the dormant pictures and words of history books. It permeates the threads of our lives.
The goal of this two-part article series, “Unfinished Business: From Chattel Slavery to Reparatory Justice in The Bahamas,” is to chart the complex history and legacy of chattel slavery in The Bahamas and provide a case for the necessity of reparatory justice. Although the literature on these topics is extensive and the length of these articles is limited, efforts were made to strike a middle ground of comprehensiveness and conciseness.
For this article series, the term “chattel slavery” rather than the broad term of slavery to describe slavery in The Bahamas. The term “chattel slavery” places a specific emphasis on the plight of enslaved Africans rather than critics saying that every group of people practiced slavery. The term “chattel slavery” speaks to the gravity of its crimes.
Brutal Beginnings
According to The Encyclopedia of World Problems and Human Potential, chattel slavery can be defined as “full slavery in its traditional form whereby slaves are the complete property of their master, can be bought and sold by him, and treated in any way that he wishes, which may include torture and other brutality, terrible working conditions, and sexual exploitation. Chattel slavery includes the buying, selling, and ownership of women and girls as concubines, wives, or prostitutes, and of the children of slaves.”
The first victims of chattel slavery in the Caribbean were not Africans but the indigenous Arawak populations. The Spanish forcibly moved the Lucayans from The Bahamas to islands such as Hispaniola (modern-day Haiti and the Dominican Republic) to search for gold and other valuable commodities. Due to diseases, inhumane working conditions, and other committed atrocities, thousands of the Arawaks died out. Poor Europeans were also brought over to work on plantations as indentured servants (they would work as enslaved people until they obtained their freedom). Still, they could not adjust to the tropical climate. Hence, to Europe, Africans were seen as a suitable replacement for previous groups, alongside serving as the perfect project to proselyte the ideologies of Christianity, white supremacy, and black inferiority.
Before even arriving in the Western Hemisphere, enslaved Africans had to survive the Middle Passage, which transported them across the Atlantic Ocean to the Western Hemisphere. Acknowledged by many, including Ambassador and Permanent Observer of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) to the United Nations, A. Missouri Sherman-Peter,
Not even comparable to the worst prisons, the Middle Passage birthed appalling conditions, including dehydration, overcrowding, foul stenches, and poor diets. Research expert Aaron O’Neil estimated that more than 12.5 million Africans were forcibly placed on slave ships en route to the Western Hemisphere. Out of this figure, it is estimated that 1.8 million (14.5%) Africans did not survive the journey. Portugal was the first European country to acquire enslaved people from Africa for plantations based in North America, South America, and the Caribbean region. Britain later became involved in the Transatlantic Slave Trade in 1562.
While it is true that humans have always practiced slavery, the Transatlantic Slave Trade was different in its vast reach, fierce brutality, and seismic impact on shaping a global oppressor- oppressed dynamic. Slavery in the African kingdoms was based on relatively short-term indentured servitude rather than lifelong servitude. Additionally, while people can point out that African kingdoms freely participated in trade with European powers, it must also not be forgotten that the European powers already had a disproportionate amount of power. Hence, just like the indigenous American tribes “trading” with the Puritans in the United States, there was already an existing power dynamic that made trade coercive. This scenario speaks to the Transatlantic Slave Trade as a multidimensional project that massively changed the trajectories of Europe, Africa, The Americas, and the global community.
Slavery in The Bahamas
The first group of enslaved Africans to arrive on Bahamian shores was with the Eleutheran Adventurers in the 1640s. The population of enslaved Africans rapidly increased with the arrival of the Loyalists, who brought the cotton plantation economy and a formal “slave society” to the Bahamas. Enslaved Africans labored in the wrecking, salt, and cotton industries.
Upon arrival to The Bahamas, enslaved Africans were dehumanized at Vendue House (now known as the Pompey Museum), where they were sold as commodities to prospective slave- buyers. The commodification of enslaved Africans also meant that families were ripped apart from one another.
Though life for an enslaved Bahamian was marginally better than in extractive-intensive countries like Haiti and Jamaica, they still faced severe hardships. Enslaved Africans were still subject to harsh penal codes. An example of this was the 1767 Act for the “Governing of Negroes, Mulattoes, and Indians,” which criminalized violence against white persons, characterized mass gatherings as rioting, and restricted the possession of weapons and violent offenses.
Very few, if any, legal protections were granted to enslaved Africans. Hence, an enslaver or overseer could physically or sexually abuse their slaves without necessarily facing punishment. Enshrined in slave codes, enslaved Africans were coerced into learning about Christianity, with their religious and cultural backgrounds disregarded as “primitive” and “satanic.” Though some surviving remnants of this culture – Asue, Junkanoo, folktales, and herbal practices – remain, many other aspects, most notably last names and tribal lineage, were lost.
Emancipation and Apprenticeship
Due to abolitionist activism coupled with an economic transition from agriculture to industrialization, the British Empire ended the chattel slave trade in 1807 and later the ownership of enslaved people in 1834 via the Slavery Abolition Act on August 1st, 1834. However, apprenticeship soon followed, where enslaved people under six were freed. In contrast, older enslaved people were subject to a period of apprenticeship with their former enslavers. These enslaved Africans, now “apprentices,” were still subject to various punishments such as beatings and hard labor if they did not “show up” for work.
Though apprenticeship aimed to transition enslaved Africans into public life, it failed to properly equip them with the skills needed to live as free citizens and further develop the Bahamian economy. It was also unable to create an equitable racial order throughout The Bahamas and the wider Commonwealth Caribbean.
The British government borrowed 20 million pounds (equivalent to 40% of the UK Treasury) to compensate enslavers. The UK Treasury did not pay off the debt until 2015 (nearly ten years ago). Hence, while the oppressor was compensated for monetary loss, the oppressed were never compensated for their physical, mental, or emotional losses.
Legacy and Modern Implications
After abolition and apprenticeship, the racial caste system continued in The Bahamas, with the white oligarchy remaining on top. Successive movements championing gender, economic, and racial equality propelled The Bahamas to attain majority rule in 1967 and obtain independence in 1973, achieving political autonomy in the journey of emancipation. Despite these successes, the legacy of chattel slavery continues to shape the Bahamian identity. Various issues such as colorism, economic exploitation, generational inequality, and remnants of age-old colonial practices in our legal codes continue to impact us, directly or indirectly. Emancipation Day should commemorate what our ancestors overcame and remind us that their fight, OUR fight, is still not over.
The Multidimensional Case for Reparatory Justice
In his Second Treatise of Government, John Locke’s profound statement, “Besides the crime which consists in violating the law, and varying from the right rule of reason, whereby a man so far becomes degenerate and declares himself to quit the principles of human nature, and to be a noxious creature, there is commonly injury done to some person or other, and some other man receives damage by his transgression,” sets a solid philosophical foundation for the case for reparatory justice for The Bahamas.
Yet, what is reparatory justice? According to the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA), reparatory justice is defined as “A process of repairing, healing and restoring a people injured because of their group identity and in violation of their fundamental human rights by governments, corporations, institutions, and families. Those groups that have been injured have the right to obtain help from the government, corporations, institutions, or families responsible for the injuries that they need to repair and heal themselves. In addition to being a demand for justice, it is a principle of international human rights law.” Within the Lockean framework, reparatory justice refers to a transgressor making amendments for the wrong enacted upon the transgressed.
However, the transgressor never adequately addressed these wrongs. Following the end of the Second World War, the United Kingdom (U.K.) and other imperial powers were forced to grant many of its former colonies self-government and later independence due to massive financial constraints. However, The Bahamas and the wider Commonwealth Caribbean were left to fend for themselves economically. Unlike the Colombo Plan, an economic initiative geared towards advancing the economic and social development of South and Southeast Asian countries, there was no equivalent plan for the Caribbean. Trinidadian Prime Minister Dr. Eric Williams summarized the situation of the Caribbean best by stating,
Perpetrators and Rebels
Many British institutions directly and indirectly benefited from the Transatlantic Slave Trade and chattel slavery in former British colonies. Some of these institutions were the Bank of England, Barclays Bank, the Church of England, Oxbridge institutions (University of Cambridge and University of Oxford), and even the British Royal Family profited from these inhumane practices. Several Prime Ministers, ranging from Sir Tony Blair to David Cameron (whose family participated in chattel slavery) and Rishi Sunak, the first non-white person to hold office, have refused to apologize for the U.K.’s role in slavery directly. Our Head of State, His Majesty King Charles III, and other members of the British Royal Family have only referred to slavery as an atrocity but have not yet directly and formally apologized.
The call for reparatory justice in The Bahamas and the wider Caribbean is not solitary. It is echoed by many organizations that have continued to keep the movement alive in national and regional consciousness. Notable among these organizations are The Bahamas National Reparations Committee (BNRC), the CARICOM Reparations Commission, the Centre for Reparation Research (UWI), and the Repair Campaign. Their collective efforts underscore the urgent need for reparatory justice, making it a matter of immediate importance.
Economic
Reparatory justice is not a singular concept but a multidimensional one. Beyond just financial compensation, reparatory justice encompasses diplomatic, historical, legal, and spiritual aspects. Economically, The Bahamas, like other former British colonies, had industry restrictions imposed on them, which gave Britain a competitive advantage and prevented equitable trade. Industry restrictions and minimal investment in critical development sectors (i.e., education and healthcare) led to intentional underdevelopment.
Furthermore, chattel slavery was an unpaid or, at the very least, severely underpaid labor force. Though there is no exact figure of how much reparation debt is owed to The Bahamas, Time Magazine reported via consultants from the Brattle Group that the global reparations debt is estimated to be $101.4 trillion.
Diplomatic
Diplomatically, given that The Bahamas and other former British Caribbean colonies are Small Island Developing States (SIDS), they are most adversely impacted by climate-related disasters and external economic shocks. The moral imperative for reparatory justice through aid assistance for these countries struggling to adopt climate adaptation and mitigation strategies is clear and urgent. It is not just a matter of advocacy, but a moral duty that cannot be ignored.
Historical
Historically, previous atrocities, such as the Holocaust committed by Nazi Germany, the Japanese-American internment camps created by the United States government, and the Kenyans who the British brutalized during the Mau Mau rebellion, set a historical precedent for the provision of reparations. Following the defeat of the Nazis, the subsequent German governments have striven to make amends with the victims and descendants of the Holocaust via financial restitution, the return of stolen artifacts and property. On the victims of the Japanese-American internment camps, the U.S. government enacted a public apology and a payment of $52,000 (in 2023 dollars) to each survivor and their descendants. Following decades of campaigning, the U.K. government finally agreed to pay reparations totaling over $25 million to more than 5,000 Kenyan survivors of torture.
Legal
Legal justifications for reparatory justice are also enshrined in international law. Established under the purview of the United Nations, the legislative framework, “Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law,” states that victims of gross human violations entitled to effective judicial remedies. After committing these violations, state and non-state actors would be legally mandated by national and international law to provide reparations to the harmed victims. Of note is that the legal framework mentions that there is no statute of limitations on the violations committed by the perpetrators.
Spiritual
Spiritually, reparatory justice is about repairing broken relations between people. The trauma of chattel slavery has perpetuated mental scars within the Afro-Bahamian community, such as the perception of “whiteness” as a superior class, which continues to manifest today through colorism and condemnation of African hairstyles. This indoctrination of white supremacy, alongside chattel slavery and colonialism, has also influenced Bahamians to look down on other Caribbean populations, especially Haitians, perpetuating regional tribalism. Reparatory justice offers a path toward equitable healing and a collective acknowledgment of history.
Unlike countries like the United States, where the population is heterogeneous, and the case for reparations is made due to evident racial disparities, The Bahamas has a homogenous population, with 90% identifying as Afro-Bahamian. Here, chattel slavery and colonialism benefited the local white population and also stagnated collective development. Therefore, the distribution of reparatory justice in The Bahamas and the wider Caribbean would differ from how it would be distributed in the United States.
A Repair and Resilience Fund
An example of reparatory justice within the modern Bahamian and broader Caribbean context could be the creation of a “Repair and Resilience Fund” fully funded by former colonial powers and institutions to promote climate resilience and sustainable development in The Bahamas and the wider Caribbean. The functions of the Repair and Resilience Fund can be aligned with the CARICOM Ten Point Plan for Reparatory Justice. Collaborating with stakeholders such as the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) could provide distribution channels of financial assistance from this fund to CARICOM member states. This fund could also support national and regional universities such as the University of The Bahamas and the University of the West Indies. Additional discussions could include creating specialized “reparatory” visas for Bahamians and other Caribbean nationals to work in the U.K. or attend university for a specified period. Through the Repair and Resilience Fund, efforts can be made to implement a form of universal basic income (UBI) to Caribbean populations.
Achieving reparatory justice is not solely the responsibility of the “oppressor”; the oppressed must also be active reformers. As Bob Marley once said, we must
Eliminating colonialism is both a material and spiritual practice, involving education about Bahamian, Caribbean, and broader African history, as well as addressing colorism, the racialization of cannabis usage, and biases against “black hair.” Efforts can also be made to establish a Reparations Unit akin to the Office of Reparations and Economic Enfranchisement in Barbados under the purview of the Office of The Prime Minister.
Breakthroughs and Setbacks
Suppose one seeks an example of a nation taking responsibility. In that case, we can look to King Willem-Alexander of The Netherlands, who has apologized for his country’s role in the slave trade. Similarly, the descendants of former U.K. Prime Minister William Gladstone have taken a positive step forward by issuing a formal apology and agreeing to pay reparations towards funding a university in Guyana. King Charles III also permitted research to be done on the British Royal Family’s role in the Transatlantic Slave Trade and chattel slavery. Very recently, Justin Welby, Archbishop of Canterbury, apologized for the Church of England’s role in chattel slavery in Jamaica. Though these developments are positive, the goal of dispersing reparatory justice has yet to be fully achieved.
A Call for Healing, Reconciliation and Justice
As 1 John 1:9 states, “If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness.” While we cannot travel back in time to correct the wrongs of our ancestors or save them from the wrongs inflicted upon them, reparatory justice offers a path forward. It is a necessary step towards healing, reconciliation, and acknowledging the faithful and whole history that has shaped our present and will continue to shape our future.
Click here to read CARICOM’s Ten-Point Plan for Reparations.
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